Garrison Frazier: Difference between revisions

Garrison Frazier (1798? - Unknown) was a prominent African-American Baptist minister, best known as the spokesperson for 20 African-American Baptist and Methodist ministers, who, on January 12, 1865 at 8PM in Savannah, Georgia, met with Military Division of the Mississippi U.S. Union Army Major-General William Tecumseh Sherman, and Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton in what is widely known as the Savannah Colloquy.

General Sherman and Secretary Stanton invited the contingent to discuss the refugee crisis where tens of thousands of formerly enslaved African-Americans had abandoned Georgia and South Carolina plantations and followed Sherman’s army to Savannah during Sherman’s infamous “ scorched earth” March to the Sea through Georgia from November 15, 1864 to December 21, 1864. Sherman and Stanton discussed with Frazier and his colleagues the manner by which the newly freed African-American people would live their lives in a country that still clearly saw them as no more than property. Footnote 2: “Gen. Sherman Granted 40 Acres to Black Families 150 Years Ago But It Was Soon Taken Away, Establishing The Nature of Black Communities’ Relationship With U.S.”, The Atlanta Black Star. Nick Chiles. January 13, 2015. https://atlantablackstar.com/2015/01/13/gen-sherman-granted-40-acres-black-families-150-years-ago-soon-taken-away-establishing-nature-black-communities-relationship-u-s/).

Frazier and his colleagues met with Sherman and Stanton at Sherman’s headquarters in the upstairs room of the ornate Gothic mansion, Green-Meldrim House. Footnote 3: https://atlantablackstar.com/2015/01/13/gen-sherman-granted-40-acres-black-families-150-years-ago-soon-taken-away-establishing-nature-black-communities-relationship-u-s/).

At the time of the meeting, Reverend Frazier was 67 years old. Footnote 4: Freedmen and Southern Society Project, “Newspaper Account of a Meeting between Black Religious Leaders and Union Military Authorities, New York, N.Y. February 13, 1865. http://www.freedmen.umd.edu/savmtg.htm.

Frazier’s eloquence formed the basis for Sherman's Special Field Orders, No. 15, or “Forty Acres and a Mule”, issued January 16, 1865, which instructed officers to settle the refugees on the Sea Islands and inland: 400,000 total acres divided into 40-acre plots. Though mules (beasts of burden used for plowing) were not mentioned, some of its beneficiaries did receive them from the army. Such plots were colloquially known as "Blackacres", which may have a basis for their origin in contract law. Footnote 5: Freedmen and Southern Society Project, “Order by the Commander of the Military Division of the Mississippi, IN THE FIELD, SAVANNAH, GA., SPECIAL FIELD ORDERS, No. 15.” January 16th, 1865.

BIRTH/EARLY LIFE Frazier was born in Granville County, N.C, located just north of Durham, North Carolina. Footnote 6: Freedmen and Southern Society Project, “Newspaper Account of a Meeting between Black Religious Leaders and Union Military Authorities, New York, N.Y. February 13, 1865. http://www.freedmen.umd.edu/savmtg.htm. Where it is not clearly documented where he was enslaved, Frazier had been a slave for sixty years. In 1856, Frazier purchased his and his wife’s freedom, paying $1,000 in gold and silver. Footnote 7: Freedmen and Southern Society Project, “Newspaper Account of a Meeting between Black Religious Leaders and Union Military Authorities, New York, N.Y. February 13, 1865. http://www.freedmen.umd.edu/savmtg.htm

An ordained minister in the Baptist Church, Frazier served in the ministry for 35 years. He became the 8th pastor of the Third African Church (now the First Bryan Baptist Church) in Savannah, Georgia, serving in this capacity from 1852–1860. Footnote 8: First Bryan Baptist Church. Historical Timeline. https://www.fbbcsav.org/timeline.

At the time of the Savannah Colloquy, and with his health failing, Frazier was no longer in charge of a congregation. He was succeeded by Ulysses L. Houston, who also attended the Savannah Colloquy. Footnote 9: Freedmen and Southern Society Project, “Newspaper Account of a Meeting between Black Religious Leaders and Union Military Authorities, New York, N.Y. February 13, 1865. Houston, a former enslaved house servant and butcher, became First Bryan Church’s 9th pastor in 1861, taking part in the statewide black convention of 1866, where African Americans in South Carolina demanded the right to vote, equality before the law, and the right to serve in the state legislature. He served as First Bryan Church’s pastor until his death in 1889. Footnote 10: “Forever Free.” The New York Times. By Eric Foner, Jan. 29, 2006 https://www.nytimes.com/2006/01/29/books/chapters/forever-free.html

THE SAVANNAH COLLOQUY - HISTORIC MEETING WITH GENERAL SHERMAN Selected by his fellow clergyman as spokesperson for the 20-member contingent, Frazier eloquently responded to a series of questions posed by Sherman and his fellow officials. Footnote 10: “Meeting between Black Religious Leaders and Union Military Authorities [Clipping from New-York Daily Tribune, [13 Feb. 1865], “Negroes of Savannah,” Consolidated Correspondence File, series 225, Central Records, Quartermaster General, Record Group 92, National Archives.

First: State what your understanding is in regard to the acts of Congress and President Lincoln's [Emancipation] proclamation, touching the condition of the colored people in the Rebel States.

Garrison Frazier: So far as I understand President Lincoln's proclamation to the Rebellious States, it is, that if they would lay down their arms and submit to the laws of the United States before the first of January, 1863, all should be well; but if they did not, then all the slaves in the Rebel States should be free henceforth and forever. That is what I understood.

Second: State what you understand by Slavery and the freedom that was to be given by the President's proclamation. Garrison Frazier: Slavery is, receiving by irresistible power the work of another man, and not by his consent. The freedom, as I understand it, promised by the proclamation, is taking us from under the yoke of bondage, and placing us where we could reap the fruit of our own labor, take care of ourselves and assist the Government in maintaining our freedom.

Third: State in what manner you think you can take care of yourselves, and how can you best assist the Government in maintaining your freedom. Garrison Frazier: The way we can best take care of ourselves is to have land, and turn it and till it by our own labor–that is, by the labor of the women and children and old men; and we can soon maintain ourselves and have something to spare. And to assist the Government, the young men should enlist in the service of the Government, and serve in such manner as they may be wanted. (The Rebels told us that they piled them up and made batteries of them, and sold them to Cuba; but we don't believe that.) We want to be placed on land until we are able to buy it and make it our own.

Fourth: State in what manner you would rather live–whether scattered among the whites or in colonies by yourselves.

Garrison Frazier: I would prefer to live by ourselves, for there is a prejudice against us in the South that will take years to get over; but I do not know that I can answer for my brethren. Footnote 11: Mr. James Lynch, a 26 year old, Baltimore-native “freeborn” serving as the presiding elder of the Methodist Episcopal Church, and missionary to the Department of the South, indicated that he believed that African-Ameicans should not be separated, but live together. All the other persons present, being questioned one by one, answer that they agree with Garrison Frazier. This is notable given Lynch’s freeborn status, and seven years in the ministry, with only two years in the South. (“Meeting between Black Religious Leaders and Union Military Authorities [Clipping from New-York Daily Tribune, [13 Feb. 1865], “Negroes of Savannah,” Consolidated Correspondence File, series 225, Central Records, Quartermaster General, Record Group 92, National Archives.”

Fifth: Do you think that there is intelligence enough among the slaves of the South to maintain themselves under the Government of the United States and the equal protection of its laws, and maintain good and peaceable relations among yourselves and with your neighbors?

Garrison Frazier: I think there is sufficient intelligence among us to do so.

Sixth: State what is the feeling of the black population of the South toward the Government of the United States; what is the understanding in respect to the present war–its causes and object, and their disposition to aid either side. State fully your views.

Garrison Frazier: I think you will find there are thousands that are willing to make any sacrifice to assist the Government of the United States, while there are also many that are not willing to take up arms. I do not suppose there are a dozen men that are opposed to the Government. I understand, as to the war, that the South is the aggressor. President Lincoln was elected President by a majority of the United States, which guaranteed him the right of holding the office and exercising that right over the whole United States. The South, without knowing what he would do, rebelled. The war was commenced by the Rebels before he came into office. The object of the war was not at first to give the slaves their freedom, but the sole object of the war was at first to bring the rebellious States back into the Union and their loyalty to the laws of the United States. Afterward, knowing the value set on the slaves by the Rebels, the President thought that his proclamation would stimulate them to lay down their arms, reduce them to obedience, and help to bring back the Rebel States; and their not doing so has now made the freedom of the slaves a part of the war. It is my opinion that there is not a man in this city that could be started to help the Rebels one inch, for that would be suicide. There were two black men left with the Rebels because they had taken an active part for the Rebels, and thought something might befall them if they stayed behind; but there is not another man. If the prayers that have gone up for the Union army could be read out, you would not get through them these two weeks.

Seventh: State whether the sentiments you now express are those only of the colored people in the city; or do they extend to the colored population through the country? and what are your means of knowing the sentiments of those living in the country?

Garrison Frazier: I think the sentiments are the same among the colored people of the State. My opinion is formed by personal communication in the course of my ministry, and also from the thousands that followed the Union army, leaving their homes and undergoing suffering. I did not think there would be so many; the number surpassed my expectation.

Eighth: If the Rebel leaders were to arm the slaves, what would be its effect?

Garrison Frazier: I think they would fight as long as they were before the bayonet, and just as soon as soon as they could get away, they would desert, in my opinion.

Ninth: What, in your opinion, is the feeling of the colored people about enlisting and serving as soldiers of the United States? and what kind of military service do they prefer?

Garrison Frazier: A large number have gone as soldiers to Port Royal [S.C.] to be drilled and put in the service; and I think there are thousands of the young men that would enlist. There is something about them that perhaps is wrong. They have suffered so long from the Rebels that they want to shoulder the musket. Others want to go into the Quartermaster's or Commissary's service.

Tenth: Do you understand the mode of enlistments of colored persons in the Rebel States by State agents under the Act of Congress?2 If yea, state what your understanding is.

Garrison Frazier: My understanding is, that colored persons enlisted by State agents are enlisted as substitutes, and give credit to the States, and do not swell the army, because every black man enlisted by a State agent leaves a white man at home; and, also, that larger bounties are given or promised by State agents than are given by the States. The great object should be to push through this Rebellion the shortest way, and there seems to be something wanting in the enlistment by State agents, for it don't strengthen the army, but takes one away for every colored man enlisted.

Eleventh: State what, in your opinion, is the best way to enlist colored men for soldiers.

Garrison Frazier: I think, sir, that all compulsory operations should be put a stop to. The ministers would talk to them, and the young men would enlist. It is my opinion that it would be far better for the State agents to stay at home, and the enlistments to be made for the United States under the direction of Gen. Sherman.

In the absence of Gen. Sherman, the following question was asked:

Twelfth: State what is the feeling of the colored people in regard to Gen. Sherman; and how far do they regard his sentiments and actions as friendly to their rights and interests, or otherwise?

Garrison Frazier: We looked upon Gen. Sherman prior to his arrival as a man in the Providence of God specially set apart to accomplish this work, and we unanimously feel inexpressible gratitude to him, looking upon him as a man that should be honored for the faithful performance of his duty. Some of us called upon him immediately upon his arrival, and it is probable he would not meet the Secretary with more courtesy than he met us. His conduct and deportment toward us characterized him as a friend and a gentleman. We have confidence in Gen. Sherman, and think that what concerns us could not be under better hands. This is our opinion now from the short acquaintance and interest we have had. Footnote 12: Notably, Mr. James Lynch stated that with his limited acquaintance with Gen. Sherman, he is unwilling to express an opinion. All others present declare their agreement with Garrison Frazier about Gen. Sherman.

AFTERMATH OF SHERMAN’S MEETING/SPECIAL FIELD ORDERS, NO. 15

Four days later, Sherman issued his Special Field Orders, No. 15. Footnote 13: New Georgia Encyclopedia, History & Archaeology, Civil War & Reconstruction, 1861-1877, Sherman's Field Order No. 15. https://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/articles/history-archaeology/shermans-field-order-no-15

The orders provided for the settlement of 40,000 freed slaves and black refugees on land expropriated from white landowners in South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. Sherman appointed Brig. Gen. Rufus Saxton, an abolitionist from Massachusetts who had previously directed the recruitment of black soldiers, to implement that plan.[93] Those orders, which became the basis of the claim that the Union government had promised freed slaves "40 acres and a mule", were revoked later that year by President Andrew Johnson. Footnote 14: New Georgia Encyclopedia, History & Archaeology, Civil War & Reconstruction, 1861-1877, Sherman's Field Order No. 15. https://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/articles/history-archaeology/shermans-field-order-no-15

LEGACY

In an interview with National Public Radio (NPR), Dr. Charles Elmore, a professor emeritus of humanities at Savannah State University, believed that Sherman and Stanton listened to Frazier and the others. “The other men chose this eloquent, 67-year-old imposing Black man, who was well over 6 feet tall, to speak on their behalf,” Elmore says. “And he said essentially we want to be free from domination of white men, we want to be educated, and we want to own land.” Footnote 15: The Story Behind ’40 Acres And A Mule’, ALL THINGS CONSIDERED, Sarah McCammon, January 12, 2015.

Rehashing educator Hiram “HD” Hoover’s perspective on Garrison Frazier, Boston-based historian and author Kevin M. Levin notes: “The problem too often with popular discussions of this history is that they focus on a few figures—Lincoln, Johnson, Sherman, etc.—or collapse these complexities into simplistic generalizations—especially about the North vs. the “South.”

I say this not out of a sense of professional superiority or jealousy, but because I feel strongly that bad history makes bad politics. And it’s very rare to see discussions of the South in politics today that don’t invoke history to some extent (which you seldom see in discussions of other regions, like the Midwest or Mountain states). When I see discussions in the media or blogosphere about “the South,” I know I’m likely to hear mostly if not entirely about the white South. When I read people repeating the popular line that the “South lost the war but won the peace,” it’s clear to me that they don’t have Garrison Frazier in mind.

I don’t mean to suggest that the only problem here is race (though that’s certainly a large part of it). It’s also that complex events get reduced to questions about the judgment or character of an individual, so that the coming of emancipation, for example, gets debated as a question of what Lincoln thought about slavery and race. This is not, let me emphasize, an argument that the great “dead white men” don’t matter (which strikes me primarily as a caricature anyway). Rather, it’s an argument that they need to be understood as part of an historical process—one that connects Lincoln, for example, not just to other politicians and to the northern public, but also to soldiers and officers in the field, to runaway slaves, and to black leaders like Garrison Frazier.

The study of history isn’t a zero-sum game, and recognizing the importance of those other actors isn’t a way to impoverish Lincoln—it’s a way to enrich our understanding of the past.” Footnote 16: “Civil war memory: The Online Home of Kevin M Levin. “Remembering Garrison Frazier”. Published: January 12, 2006. http://cwmemory.com/2006/01/12/remembering-garrison-frazier/;

DEATH/MEMORIAL

No information appears to be available regarding when Garrison Frazier passed away and his interment.

In 2014, the Georgia Historical Society dedicated a Historical Marker at First Bryan Baptist Church, noting the role that former pastors Garrison Frazier and Ulysses Houston played in the seminal meeting with General Sherman in January 1865”

“First Bryan Baptist Church - Constituted 1788 First Bryan dates its founding to the constitution of the Ethiopian Church of Jesus Christ under Rev. Andrew Bryan in January 1788, making it one of the nation’s oldest African-American Baptist churches. Known later as First Colored Church, First African, and Third African, the congregation took the name First Bryan Baptist in 1867. Construction of the first church building began here in 1793 on property purchased by Reverend Bryan. The current building was completed in 1874. First Bryan ministers including Garrison Frazier and Ulysses Houston attended the nearby meeting of local black leaders with Gen. Sherman in January 1865 that resulted in Special Field Orders No. 15, promising confiscated coastal land to freed slaves. In the twentieth century, Civil Rights leader W.W. Law taught Sunday School at First Bryan for many years.

Erected by the Georgia Historical Society and First Bryan Baptist Church. Footnote 17: Press Release: Georgia Historical Society to Dedicate Historical Marker at First Bryan Baptist Church, June 14, 2015. https://georgiahistory.com/georgia-historical-society-to-dedicate-historical-marker-at-first-bryan-baptist-church/

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